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posted September 20, 1999
Edmonton summit does little to unite Canadian right
The leaders of Canada's two conservative parties signaled a significant
thaw in their relations last weekend, shaking hands at a press conference
and dining together earlier at a conference on parliamentary reform. Joe
Clark even indicated a Tory willingness to adopt the right to recall MPs
-- a bedrock Reform plank.
But while they came together to explore common ground on institutional
changes to Parliament, there was ultimately no rapprochement between Clark,
the Tory leader, and Preston Manning, the Reform leader, on a united front
to stop conservative vote-splitting. Instead, they stuck to their separate
political agendas, intent on wooing rival party members to their respective
sides.
"I have never supported the idea of the United Alternative,"
Clark told reporters, reiterating his opposition to Manning's attempts
to form a new right-wing front to defeat the Liberals. He said his purpose
in attending the conference, sponsored jointly by the Reform and Conservative
parties, was to not only find common ground to make Parliament more responsive
to citizens, but also to win Reform supporters back to the Conservative
fold.
"This is an exercise designed to demonstrate that people who felt
they had good reason to leave us in the past might now come back and work
with us in a party that can actually form a government."
Manning, in a speech to close the conference, continued to press for
some union of Reform and Conservative forces.
"This is what I hear Canadians saying to political leaders like
you and me, Joe: 'If you really believe in citizens' empowerment and restoring
faith in democracy -- if that's more important to you than short-term
partisan gains -- then work together with others like-minded, including
those in other parties, to reform the system. And if you're not prepared
to do so, then stop pretending democratic reforms are a top priority.'
"
In his speech, with Clark in attendance, Manning also requested that
Clark come to a United Alternative convention in January, saying, "I
expect you to be there, Joe."
But at the press conference immediately following Manning's speech, Clark
declined. " Manning and I disagree on the means, but we do agree
on the end," he said.
Despite their continued political differences, organizers saw the two
leaders' mere attendance as a breakthrough.
"All small 'c' conservatives have to work together and I think the
symbolism of Joe Clark and Preston Manning breaking bread together, addressing
this conference and appearing at a news conference together is exceptionally
important," said Ian McClelland, a Reform MP and co-chairman of the
conference with Peter MacKay, a Progressive Conservative MP .
McClelland said he was not concerned that the conference was attended
by a relatively small number of 100 delegates.
"We put this together on short notice at a difficult time of year,
but we wanted to get it done because we felt it was important to show
Canadians that the leadership of the small 'c' conservative parties have
the maturity and the grace and the wisdom to sit down together in the
interests of the country. Three months ago, people were convinced these
two leaders of our country couldn't even figure out how to talk to each
other on the phone."
In a speech to delegates, Clark advocated parliamentary changes that
appeal to Reformers, such as giving individual MPs more power to initiate
legislation through all-party committees and allowing free votes in the
House of Commons, saying that "party discipline is carried to ridiculous
extremes." Later, he told reporters he would acquiesce on the right
to recall MPs if it meant it could attract disgruntled Reformers to his
party. But he did not expect that any Reformers would be wooed in one
day.
"I think most of the people who are here plan to stay in the party
they are in," said Clark. "I don't expect any miraculous conversions
today. This is a process. People think about making a decision. They are
going to come and test us and test our sincerity."
Some Reform members seemed wary. "I don't want to be unkind, but
I have this cynical feeling that Clark's agenda is, 'What do I have to
do to win the next election?' " said Ken Epp, an Alberta Reform MP
and United Alternative supporter.
"I have a cynicism as to whether there is a sincerity on his part
to make changes or a ploy to gain some electoral success. Joe Clark and
people in his leadership group have a mandate to rebuild their party,
that's all. I don't hear from them a genuine trustworthy statement that
they are going to make changes that caused them to go into oblivion in
1993. All they want is power. Well, they had it. They misused it."
MacKay hailed the conference as a success, saying such a joint meeting
could not have taken place two years ago.
"What's emerging here is that we have a lot in common," he
said after morning roundtable sessions at which Reformers, Tories and
NDP delegates, like MP Lorne Nystrom, exchanged ideas. But he rejected
Manning's latest overture. "My opinion is still that what the United
Alternative seeks to do is become more like the Progressive Conservative
party."
Absent from the conference, attended by MPs, business people and academics,
were noted hard-liners such as Myron Thompson, an Alberta Reform MP, and
Dick Harris, a B.C. Reform MP, who both oppose United Alternative initiatives.
KGB maps showed oil, gas targets
For the Soviet Union's feared spy service, the KGB, no task was too big
or too small for surveillance or sabotage, and few countries evaded its
tentacles.
According to a newly released British book, a huge, detailed and expensive
12-year operation was mounted in Canada to map out all oil and gas pipelines
from British Columbia to Montreal for possible sabotage.
Beginning in 1959, it was plotted by spies run from the Soviet Union's
Ottawa embassy, which was making contingency plans for war with the West,
or a lesser international crisis.
"Each target was photographed from several angles and its vulnerable
points identified," says The Mitrokhin Archive. "The most suitable
approach roads for sabotage operations, together with the best getaway
routes, were fully plotted on small-scale maps."
Revelations from the book, written by KGB defector Vasili Mitrokhin,
now a British citizen, and historian Christopher Andrew, have already
rocked the United Kingdom, where an 87-year-old retired secretary was
found to have handed over atomic secrets for 40 years, and a network of
others contributed to the intelligence of the KGB during the Cold War.
Although Canada's role was relatively minor compared with that of the
United States, it was used as a jumping-off point for Soviet spies heading
south, and harbored dozens of agents as well as Canadians recruited by
the KGB.
In the mid-1940s, a female spy recruited by the KGB, "Lona"
Cohen, acted as a courier for nuclear secrets gleaned from Canada's Chalk
River facility, which had been penetrated by Soviet agents.
Much later, in the 1960s, the Soviet agency considered using "extremist
terrorists" of Quebec's FLQ for "special actions" against
the U.S. but shut down the operation when its political implications became
too dangerous.
But it also took stock of border crossings that could be useful for sabotage:
among them areas near Lake of the Woods and International Falls in Minnesota,
and parts of the Glacier National Park in Montana.
By far the biggest KGB interest in Canada was setting up spies who could
penetrate important American strategic targets.
Defector Igor Gouzenko fled from the Soviet Union's Ottawa embassy in
1945 with a stack of vital documents exposing a laundry list of spies.
The shock to Moscow was considerable. Several years passed before the
Ottawa KGB handlers were able to rebuild their network.
When they did, it contained such slick professionals as Dalibar and Inga
Valoushek, a Czechoslovak couple who masqueraded as "Rudi and Inga
Herrmann." The pair ran a Toronto cafe, schmoozed with CBC staff,
and eventually began a career as filmmakers.
Dalibar Valoushek controlled the most valuable Canadian KGB asset, Hugh
Hambleton, an economist who was later a storm centre of spy scandal, but
escaped prosecution in Canada.
It was the Communist Party of Canada that most helped the KGB's recruiting
drive, Mitrokhin said. The party was responsible not only for helping
to recruit Hambleton, but obtaining documents for top flight "illegals."
Starr wishes someone else had probed Lewinsky scandal
If he had it to do over again, special counsel Kenneth Starr says he
would have let another investigator delve into the messy details surrounding
President Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky.
Even though Starr defended his work, he acknowledged that by the time
the scandal was uncovered, his investigation of Clinton for Whitewater
had already dragged on for so long that the public was growing weary and
suspicious.
"I think in retrospect I made a serious mistake," he told some
550 people at a public forum here Wednesday. "I think it would have
been much better for the country for the Lewinsky matter to have been
handled by another independent counsel."
Starr also expressed mixed feelings about Clinton, calling him "gifted
and talented" on the one hand, but adding he was disappointed with
the president's personal behavior and the fact Clinton wasn't truthful
with the American public when the affair was first uncovered.
"My real disappointment with our leader was when he took a poll
on whether to tell the truth," Starr said.
During his speech, Starr reiterated his opinion that the congressional
statute calling for the appointment of special prosecutors not be renewed.
The 21-year-old law was allowed to lapse in June amid lack of support.
Starr said it was born in the post-Watergate era of good intentions but
was hopelessly flawed.
"I opposed the statute when I first served in the Justice Department
in 1981," he said.
"The statute," he continued, "simply does not work. The
Congress was trying in effect to create a separate branch of government."
But he made it clear where he thinks the real blame in a scandal lies
-- and it's not with the special counsel.
"I think the real responsibility is on our public officials to be
as transparent and honest as possible," he said, "and if there
is a problem, to get the problem out there and deal with it."
Rifle shell casings found in federal outpost at Waco
A report indicates guns were fired from a house used by federal agents
during the siege of the Branch Davidians at Waco, Texas, but the FBI maintains
none of its agents fired into the Davidian compound.
The report released by the Texas Rangers on September 13 stated that
three dozen rifle shell casings were found in an outpost used by FBI and
ATF snipers during the 1993 standoff.
The FBI said those spent rifle cartridges must have been the result of
a firefight between ATF agents and the Davidians on the first day of the
siege.
"Nothing's changed. We didn't fire into the compound," said
FBI spokesman Bill Carter.
The ATF has acknowledged its snipers fired rounds during the February
28, 1993, gunfight when ATF agents first tried to search the compound.
The Rangers' report on Waco evidence, which was sent to Congress, said
12 .308-caliber sniper rifle shell casings and 24 .223-caliber casings
were recovered from a house used by forward observers for the two agencies.
ATF spokesman Jeff Roehm said .308- and .223-caliber rifles are "standard
issue" for its sharpshooters.
Rep. Dan Burton (R-Indiana), who has accused the Justice Department of
covering up the use of tear gas canisters in Waco, now faces questions
about why his committee overlooked evidence about the canisters that the
Justice Department sent to Congress four years ago.
"Contrary to the allegations of cover-up, substantial evidence of
the use of military tear gas rounds was, in fact, provided to Congress
in 1995," said Rep. Henry Waxman of California, the committee's top
Democrat, in a letter to Danforth.
The records Waxman cited were discovered among more than 40 boxes of
material compiled during the 1995 hearings by the House Government Reform
Committee, which Burton helmed.
They include an FBI pilot's 1993 statement recalling a radio transmission
in which agents had a conversation "relative to the utilization of
some sort of military round ... on a concrete bunker."
Post-raid interview summaries also included an unnamed FBI agent's explanation
that smoke captured on film "came from (an) attempt to penetrate
bunker with one military and two (non-incendiary) rounds."
Burton responded by saying the Justice Department buried the committee
in an avalanche of documents shortly before the 1995 hearings began, and
panel investigators depended on a Justice summary to guide them.
"The Justice Department dumped 100,000 documents on the committee
three days before the hearings, knowing that they (committee aides) couldn't
possibly go through them," Burton said.
Clinton won't turn over Puerto Rican clemency papers
Invoking executive privilege on September 15, Bill Clinton refused to
turn over to a House panel documents related to his offer of clemency
to 16 members of a violent Puerto Rican nationalist group.
The clemency grants have stirred up a political firestorm, with law enforcement
groups and victims of actions by the group accusing Clinton of using clemency
to boost his wife's Senate ambitions. The group is known as FALN, Spanish
initials for the Armed Forces of National Liberation.
"With the legal advice of the attorney general, the president is
invoking executive privilege over certain documents and testimony relating
to the grant of clemency," said Jim Kennedy, spokesman for the White
House counsel's office.
Kennedy said the White House would be providing some 10 000 pages of
documents related to the decision, including thousands of letters exhorting
the president to show leniency toward the prisoners.
"But those that are directly related to the exercise of the president's
constitutional authority are not being provided," Kennedy said.
Rep. Dan Burton, R-Ind., chairman of the House Government Reform Committee,
was being informed of the president's decision in a letter from White
House Deputy Counsel Cheryl Mills.
Committee officials have threatened to seek contempt charges if they
weren't satisfied with the administration's response to its subpoenas.
The Senate Judiciary Committee also plans to issue subpoenas for documents
and testimony regarding the clemency case, according to the chairman,
Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah.
"This committee is a bipartisan committee that's not going to be
stiffed. Frankly we're just sick and tired of it," Hatch said Wednesday.
Critics have accused Clinton of making the clemency offer to help first
lady Hillary Rodham Clinton's budding campaign for Senate in New York,
home to 1.3 million Puerto Ricans.
Hillary Clinton opposed the deal after it began to draw criticism, and
then was herself criticized by some prominent Puerto Ricans in New York.
Clinton offered clemency to 16 former FALN members, on the condition
that they first renounce violence. Fourteen accepted, and 11 were released
from prison recently.
Clinton extended the offer after a lengthy review by the former White
House chief counsel, Charles F.C. Ruff. Prominent human rights advocates,
including South African Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu and former President
Carter backed the move.
But there is strong sentiment against Clinton's decision in the law enforcement
community. At a Senate hearing, two retired FBI agents who investigated
the FALN characterized its members as terrorists.
At the same hearing, Sen. Robert Torricelli, D-N.J., who has pushed Hillary
Clinton to seek the Senate seat, lashed out at the president.
"I regret greatly the actions of President Clinton," Torricelli
said. "I hope the committee will learn more about his motivations
and the process so that it's never repeated."
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